THE ROAD TO KHMER INDEPENDENCE
By
Kenneth T. So
(In collaboration with Monireak Keo)
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Cambodia will be celebrating the anniversary
of its independence from France on every November 9 since
1953. This essay will examine the history of Cambodia from
the period of Prince Norodom Sihanouk ascension to the throne
until the time France granted independence to Cambodia. This
essay will examine the roles of important Khmer politicians,
princes, and king who helped shape the events in Cambodia
during this important period of Khmer history. I am not a
historian nor a scholar, but I have a lot of interest in Khmer
history. My essay will not please everybody, but it is my
duty as a Khmer to interpret, discuss, and analyze the events
during the above period in an honest and objective manner.
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Prince
Norodom Sihanouk was crowned king of Cambodia on 25th
April 1941 by the French who had ruled and occupied
Cambodia for almost 80 years. The French saw in the
young 19 years old king a person they could manipulate
to fit their colonial rule.
When Prince Sihanouk became king,
the world event was in turmoils. World War II had started,
France fell to Nazi Germany and the German army had
already entered Paris (June 14, 1940). Even though the
French was no longer powerful, they somehow still managed
to rule the Khmer nation. Taking advantage on the French
weakness, the Japanese government of Emperor Hiro Hito
took turn to replace the French, and on 9 March 1945
decided to dissolve the French colonial administration.
Ironically, Germany was on the verge of collapse and
the French were gaining control of their own country.
On 13 March 1945 Norodom Sihanouk, as king of Cambodia,
declared independence from France. It was a bold move
on the part of the young king because the French could
replace him with another Khmer prince if they could
regain their colonial rule over Cambodia again. Either
King Sihanouk was gambling on this move or he was pressured
by the Japanese government to do so. Son Ngoc Thanh
who opposed the French and fled to Japan previously,
returned to Cambodia and was appointed Foreign Minister. |
Japan surrendered to the Allied on 15 August 1945
after the US dropped two atomic bombs on Nagasaki
and Hiroshima. Soon after the surrender of the
Japanese, a new Cambodian government was established
with Son Ngoc Thanh as Prime Minister. The French
returned to occupy Cambodia in October 1945 and
Son Ngoc Thanh was arrested for collaborating
with the Japanese and sent into exile in France.
He was put under house arrest. Because of the
French action, Son Ngoc Thanh's supporters regrouped
in the northwestern part of Cambodia, an area
that was still under the control of the Thai government,
and formed a new movement called the Khmer Issarak.
This movement was formed with the Thai encouragement
and support.
Khmer citizens got their taste
of brief independence from France during the above
period, from March to October 1945. Most Khmer
people did not realize that the Khmer Issarak
was not a homogenous guerilla movement. The movement
was composed of people from different backgrounds,
political philosophies, agendas, and ethnicities.
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The movement included people from the leftist
factions, Vietnamese leftists, true Khmer nationalists, Khmers
that were anti monarchy, Khmer Serei people that were loyal
to Son Ngoc Thanh, opportunists, and just bandits who had
no political affiliation but joined the movement just to take
advantage of the chaotic situation in Cambodia by terrorizing
people in the countryside.
It is erroneous to call the movement Khmer
Issarak. The word Khmer in the movement should not be used
here because foreign powers were exploiting the Khmer situation
for their own political benefits. The Khmer Issarak movement
was analogous to the Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party
(KPRP) of Heng Samrin after it had been split from Pol Pot
that had foreign agents infiltrated into the party. As a matter
of fact, some Khmer Issaraks who were members of the Indochinese
Communist Party (ICP) helped found the KPRP in 1951 (The Cambodia
Communist Party was founded in 1951. KPRP of Heng Samrin was
founded in 1979).
Therefore, it is not correct to call the
Khmer Issarak movement a nationalist movement that some historians
or scholars contended. Due to the threat of the Khmer Issarak
movement, King Norodom Sihanouk negotiated with the French
for full independence to neutralize the movement that was
gaining in popularity. Khmer people in general did not know
that they were exploited by foreign powers under the umbrella
of Khmer Issarak movement. It was estimated that the Khmer
Issarak with the Viet Minh operating alongside the movement
was controlling approximately 50 percent of the Khmer territory.
In the meantime, the leftist government in Bangkok was overthrown
in 1947.
Due to pressure from the Khmer Issarak,
the French agreed to let Khmers form political parties in
1946. Two major parties were formed and both were headed by
Khmer princes. Prince Sisowath Yutevong [1], at the age of
33 headed the Democratic Party while his rival, Prince Norodom
Norindeth at the age of 40 headed the Liberal Party. The two
parties were politically and philosophically different in
their approach to solving the Khmer problems.
The Democratic Party was a party that believed
in civil liberties and parliamentary democracy modeled after
the French Fourth Republic. The party advocated a constitutional
monarchical system of government with a popularly elected
assembly having legislative and deliberative powers. The party
was strongly anti-French in sentiment. The Democratic Party
platform was demanding the immediate independence from France
and wanted a parliamentary form of government. Their members
were composed of intellectuals with such luminary personalities
like Prince Yutevong, Son Sann, Chhean Vam, Sim Var, Ieu Koeuss,
Huy Kanthoul, just to name a few. Penn Nouth was the counselor
to the Democratic Party.
In contrast, the Liberal Party that was
founded by Prince Norindeth and Sonn Voeunsai did not attract
the professional elite bodies like those of the Democratic
Party. The party members were composed of landowners, businessmen,
top ranking officials, and Buddhist monks. The party advocated
respect for human rights, person and property, and better
understanding between Khmers and French. The Liberal Party
preferred to retain some form of partnership with France and
favored a gradual democratic reform instead of a sudden breakup
espoused by the Democratic Party. The French actively supported
the Liberal Party of Prince Nodindeth and very much opposed
the Democratic Party of prince Yutevong.
Why did the Democrats choose Prince Yutevong
of royal blood to head the Democratic Party instead of a commoner?
Before answering the above question, it is perhaps necessary
to understand the background of the prince first. The prince
was an intellectual and well educated. He graduated from the
Faculty of Sciences in Montpellier, France in 1941 with a
doctorate degree in Physical Sciences with high honor (mention
très honorable). Before returning to Cambodia after
he finished his study, Prince Yutevong had represented the
French Union as its Delegate at the Conference in Hot Springs,
USA. He also worked for the French Ministry of Outre-Mer.
Not only was the prince a French official, but he was also
an active member of the French Socialist Party (SFIO[2]).
Since Cambodia was still controlled by the French, it was
believed the Democratic Party members felt it would be to
their advantage to choose Prince Yutevong to head the party
for the above reasons. As to the French, they probably felt
and hoped that Prince Yutevong would still be friendly to
France because he went to French school, worked for French
government, and served as a Delegate for the French Union.
In this fashion the French could still control both parties.
Prince Yutevong and the Democrats were fighting
the French, considered at the time to be enemy of the Khmer
people. But it was acceptable to the democrats that their
leader was married to a French woman. Why wasn't this a case
of sleeping with the enemy?
The first election in 1946 provided the
Democrats with a majority in the assembly. Prince Yutevong
was the main architect who drafted the Khmer Constitution
modeled after the French Fourth Republic. It was ironic that
the Democrats wanted to divorce from France but at the same
time they wanted to create a Khmer Constitution modeled after
the French. Did the Democrats design it this way as not to
antagonize the French? How can France object to this constitution
since it was modeled after her country? After the Constitution
had been completed, the power was now in the hand of the National
Assembly. Prince Yutevong, who had been until now a minor
prince, suddenly realized that he would become more powerful
than the king. On 6 May 1947 the king proclaimed the birth
of the new Khmer Constitution. The king realized that his
role as a monarch was greatly reduced, stripped much of his
power.
With the Democratic Party victory, Prince
Yutevong became President of the Council of Ministers, meaning
he was Prime Minister of Cambodia. In addition to his position
as Prime Minister, he also kept the post of Minister of Interior
to himself. Why would someone who espoused democracy want
to retain the two most important positions for himself? Why
didn't the prince appoint somebody else to the post of Minister
of Interior? What was the reason behind Prince Yutevong’s
thinking? Did he not trust some of the people who worked around
him?
It seemed that with their success, the Democratic
Party would be strong and happy. On the contrary, the success
spoiled the Democrats and clashes within the party were occurring
constantly. Were there jealousies among the Democrats fighting
for important positions within the newly formed government?
Prince Yutevong did not live long enough to enjoy the Democrats'
victory because he died on 17 July 1947. Speculations on the
death of the prince at such an early age and on the height
of his success ran rampant. How did he die so young? Was there
any sign of him being sick or contracting some kind of illness?
Did the French poison him or did the Democrats themselves
have anything to do with his death? Who would benefit the
most about Prince Yutevong's death? The mystery surrounding
his death had not been satisfactorily resolved.
After the death of Prince Yutevong, the
Democratic Party elected the grandson of King Sisowath, Prince
Sisowath Vachhayavong, to be Prime Minister from 25 July 1947
to 20 February 1948. Afterward, the party elected Chhean Vam
to succeed Prince Sisowath Vachhayavong. However, due to some
infightings, the Prime Minister found his power insufficient
and could not get things done. He asked for more power but
it was turned down. Immediately, Chhean Vam was overthrown
on that issue in 14 August 1948. Penn Nouth was elected as
the next Prime Minister. He did not remain long at the head
of his cabinet because Yem Sambaur, a former member of the
Democratic Party, accused Penn Nouth of corruption. Yem Sambaur
had left the Democratic Party to form his own minority grouping.
Inexplicably, Yem Sambaur was chosen as the next Prime Minister
on 12 February 1949 to replace Penn Nouth. How could this
happen since the Democratic Party had the majority of the
vote? The only reason this curious event could be explained
was that the members of the Democratic Party became jealous
of each other and preferred to see somebody from the outside
instead of one of their own becoming Prime Minister.
After Yem Sambaur became Prime Minister,
the Democrats started to have second thought and they finally
passed a motion of censure against the Prime Minister. The
nature of the censure was not clear. Because of this action,
on 18 September 1949 King Norodom Sihanouk dissolved the National
Assembly and signed a treaty with France granting some independence
for Cambodia.
The treaty granted Khmer people most of
administrative functions within Cambodia. In addition, the
provinces of Battambang and Siemreap that the French recovered
from the Thai were given to the Cambodian government for self-governing
rule with its own armed forces without any French interference.
This was called the autonomous zone, similar to the autonomous
zone of Pailin that Hun Sen granted to the remnants of Khmer
Rouge. However, on matters of foreign policy, the Cambodian
government had to coordinate its actions and decision making
with the French Union. The French retained most of the judicial
systems, finances, and customs. Outside Battambang and Siemreap,
France retained military operations. The reason the French
wanted to retain military operations on other parts of Cambodia
was because they felt more of a threat coming from Vietnam
than Thailand, a threat that could break the French Union.
According to the Constitution at the time,
in the event of the dissolution of the National Assembly,
the President of the Assembly would become the chief executive
pending the holding of new elections. At the time, Ieu Koeuss
[3] was President of the Assembly. Unfortunately, he was assassinated
in January 1950. Theories abounded on who assassinated Ieu
Koeuss. Some claimed it was Yem Sambaur himself who had a
hand behind the whole affair while some pointed the fingers
at Prince Norindeth. However, this case had never been resolved
and still remains a mystery to this day.
Because of the death of the President of
the National Assembly, the king reappointed Yem Sambaur to
succeed himself as Prime Minister. This action had made the
Democrats very upset since the elections would now be postponed.
Because of this turn of event that sent Cambodia into turmoil,
the king began to consider the possibility of modifying the
Constitution. He wanted the Assembly to be a consultative
body and shifting the power of ratification to the king. According
to the Constitution, any amendments would require a three-fourth
vote of the Assembly. Since the body had been dissolved, on
October 1951 the king appealed to the heads of political parties
to amend the Constitution. Both Democrats and Liberals opposed
any constitutional changes that would decrease the power of
the Assembly.
What saved the Democratic Party was its
unity opposing King Norodom Sihanouk's legislations as well
as his appointments of new cabinet members. The Democrats
continued to oppose all policies made by the king, making
his life miserable. No matter what the king did, the Democrats
would contest and oppose him. A new election was held in September
1951 and again, the Democrats won the majority with fifty-four
out of seventy-eight seats. The Liberal Party obtained eighteen
seats while the rest went to the remaining parties. On October
1951, Huy Kanthoul became Prime Minister, and immediately
a serious deadlock developed in Khmer-French relations as
the Democrats went into almost absolute opposition to the
French authorities. Two more Prime Ministers succeeded Yem
Sambaur prior to Huy Kanthoul becoming Prime Ministers. Prince
Sisowath Monipong, the son of King Monivong, became Prime
Minister from 1 June 1950 to 3 march 1951 and Oum Chheang
Sun succeeded Prince Monipong until 12 October 1951.
To counter balance the popularity of the
Democrats, the king asked the French to release Son Ngoc Thanh
from his house arrest in France. Son Ngoc Thanh returned to
Cambodia with great triumph on 29 October 1951. Huy Kanthoul,
who was Prime Minister, offered Son Ngoc Thanh a position
in his cabinet but this latter turned down the offer because
he expected the position of Prime Minister to be handed to
him. Son Ngoc Thanh founded a weekly newspaper called Khmer
Krauk (Khmer Awake), incessantly attacking the French Union.
Pending rumor of an imminent arrest, Son Ngoc Thanh fled Phnom
Penh and joined the Khmer Issarak.
There were people who accused King Norodom
Sihanouk of dictatorship or of being an unconstitutional monarch.
The people who made those accusations did not study the facts
properly. The king had properly exercised his power as the
Constitution had demanded. The reason he wanted to change
the Constitution may be in part for self-interest, but also
to prevent the same type of chaotic situation that happened
during this tumultuous time. He followed the Constitution
by going through the motion of Assembly vote to make amendment
to the Constitution. He was exercising his democratic right
and obeying the Constitution. We must not be quick to judge
the king's action without properly understanding the events
in Khmer politics.
The government of Huy Kanthoul found itself
confronting with the problem of arresting people involving
in flyers' distribution. The Dap Chhuon's party of Eysan Mean
Chey (Dap Chhuon remained in Siemreap) with Mao Chhoy representing
the party in Phnom Penh started to distribute flyers and created
a chaotic situation in Phnom Penh. Prime Minister Huy Kanthoul
issued an arrest warrant for people like Lon Nol and Yem Sambaur.
Sim Var was the Chief of police at the time. Lon Nol was later
released but Yem Sambaur was put in a house arrest at Banteay
Cheung Khmao located near the Cine Lux movie theater. The
arrest of Lon Nol and the semi-incarceration of a former Prime
Minister of Cambodia made the situation in Cambodia dangerously
explosive. Sensing the situation in Cambodia getting out of
control, the king dismissed the government of Huy Kanthoul
and on 13 January 1953 he dissolved the National Assembly
and declared martial law.
The king was very in tune to the wish of
the Khmer population, which was to obtain full independence
from France. To avoid the situation in Cambodia from deteriorating
further, King Sihanouk decided in March 1953 to go to France
and asked the French President to grant complete independence
to Cambodia. The French government turned a deaf ear to King
Sihanouk's demand and accused the king of being too alarmist.
Additionally, the French were threatening to replace the king
if he continued to be in an uncooperative mood.
Khmer Democrats and Khmer Issarak had made
the Khmer independence a national issue, but King Sihanouk
took it a step farther. After the French refusal to King Sihanouk's
demand on Khmer independence, he decided to elevate the Khmer
struggle against the French to the international level. King
Sihanouk decided to risk his future as king of Cambodia by
campaigning against the French. The meeting with the French
government was a failure. Therefore, instead of going home
directly from France, the king made a brilliant political
decision by stopping in the United States, Canada, and Japan
to publicize his "royal crusade for independence."
It was a bold move by the king, because his action could trigger
the French to replace him as king of Cambodia with another
prince.
To put the French in a corner, in June 1953,
the king declared that he would take a self-imposed exile
in Thailand and would not return to Phnom Penh unless the
French granted full independence to Cambodia. The Thai government
did not cooperate with the king and did not welcome his stay
in Bangkok. Why did the Thai government that supported the
Khmer Issarak refused to also support King Norodom Sihanouk
for the same cause, which was to restore Cambodia to full
independence from the French? The Thai probably thought they
had the Khmer Issaraks under their allegiance but could not
extract the same thing from King Norodom Sihanouk. Since the
king was not welcomed in Thailand, he decided to establish
his headquarters in the autonomous zone in Siemreap. It was
at this time that the bond between King Norodom Sihanouk and
Lieutenant Colonel Lon Nol was formed. Lon Nol commanded the
autonomous zone of Siemreap, established in 1949 by the French
agreement.
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The whole Indochina was in turmoil. From
their base in Siemreap, King Sihanouk and Lon Nol resisted
and fought the French. The Khmer Issaraks were also giving
the French a lot of troubles. Finally on 3 July 1953, the
French declared they were ready to discuss the full independence
status of Cambodia. The king insisted on his own terms, demanding
total control of Cambodia in four main areas: National Defense,
Police, Judiciary, and Finance. The French agreed to the demands
and King Sihanouk returned to Phnom Penh with great triumph.
The Khmer Independence Day was proclaimed on November
9, 1953.
There is no denial that everybody played
a part for Khmer independence, but King Norodom Sihanouk must
be hailed as the main architect who obtained Khmer independence
from France. The king was a brilliant and daring politician
in his maneuvers with the French government. The king was
undaunted in his pursuit of Khmer independence. The road to
Khmer independence was a tumultuous one and it must not be
forgotten. As we celebrate our 50th Anniversary of Independence,
we must renew our faith to keep Cambodia independent and free
from any foreign influence into our national affairs. The
title proclaiming “Norodom Sihanouk as Father of Khmer
Independence” is very appropriate and well deserving
for our aging monarch.
[1] Prince Yutevong was the product of an
incestuous grandparent. His grandfather, Prince Bhumarin,
married his own sister, Princess Thnamvong, and produced the
only child, Prince Chamraenvongs, which was the father of
Prince Yutevong. Traditionally speaking, Prince Yutevong should
not be a Sisowath. It is not clear how Prince Yutevong obtained
Sisowath as his last name. It had been speculated that his
parents wanted to take advantage of the linear linkage with
King Sisowath who ascended the throne in 1904. Prince Yutevong
who was born in 1913 was the son of Prince Chamraenvongs,
a great-grandson of King Ang Chan II (different branch from
King Ang Duong), and of Princess Sisowath Yubhiphan, the daughter
of Sisowath Essaravong, with this latter being the oldest
son of King Sisowath. Because Sisowath became king of Cambodia
in 1904, Prince Yutevong's parents may have decided that their
children should use their mother's last name, Sisowath, as
their family last name. That kind of action was unprecedented
in the history of Khmer royalty. Based on the above speculation,
the direction of Prince Yutevong to be the leader of the Democratic
Party was not by chance but by design. His opposition to King
Norodom Sihanouk was a voluntary choice tacitly supported
by the Sisowath's. The Sisowath felt cheated by the French
for putting a Norodom on the throne. They felt that Prince
Sisowath Monireth should have been the heir to the throne,
following King Monivong's death. Since that time, the Sisowaths
and the Norodoms have constantly been in tension with each
other.
[2] SFIO (Section Française de l'Internationale
Ouvrière) was founded in 1905. At the 1920 SFIO convention
in Tours, France, the majority of the members decided to found
the SFIC (Section Française de l'Internationale Communiste),
which later became PCF (Parti Communiste Français).
Even though SFIO has been weakened by the PCF it still has
great influence over the workers (source: http://www.france.diplomatie.fr/
france/fr/instit/instit09.html)
[3] A personal interview with Chhuom Chhiet,
an active member of the Democratic Party and who was also
in charge of arresting Lon Nol and Yem Sambaur, revealed an
interesting tale. He heard that a few days before his assassination,
Iev Koeuss met with King Sihanouk and told him that he was
going to quit his political life and retire to Battambang.
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